By
Chinweizu
Who are the sponsors of Boko
Haram?—Core evidence: The core evidence consist of two
statements by Maj. Mustapha Jokolo, (rtd), the first in 2005, when he was the
Emir of Gwandu; and the second in 2012, after he had been deposed from that
high Caliphate office. Here is his 2005 statement:
In response to what they perceived as
the Obasanjo “menace”, the Caliphate emirs met on March 28, 2005 in Kaduna
under the auspices of the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA),
of which the Sultan of Sokoto is the traditional Chairman. At that meeting
Major Mustapha Jokolo (rtd), the then Emir of Gwandu, traditionally the
second-in-command to the Sultan, complained bitterly that northern Muslims had
been marginalized by President Obasanjo:
complaining that today they have no
banks, and construction companies; that their soldiers were compulsorily
retired from the army shortly after Obasanjo came to power; and that their
children are being denied recruitment in the army. “We must decide what to do
now. . .Let our people withdraw from the confab. . . Muslims are not afraid and
they will come out to say the truth.” -(See “Emir’s Jihad Threat”, Insider
Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.17.)
Jokolo added that
- Q5) 2005 “We (Muslims) have
been pushed to the wall and it is time to fight…. Obasanjo is trampling on our
rights and Muslims must rise and defend their rights. The more we continue to
wait, the more we will continue to be marginalized.” -(“Emir’s Jihad
Threat” Insider Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.19) .
For this “fight” [Jihad?] they had to
find another military instrument. Hence, presumably, their adoption of Boko
Haram, and the subsequent enhancement of its terrorist capacity; and the
reported sudden affluence of its leader who began to move about in SUVs. Was it
sheer coincidence that Boko Haram became welfunded and more powerful in
mid-2005, a few months after the Emir of Gwandu called for a 2 fight to end
what the Caliphate perceived as its marginalization by the OBJ Government? Not
bloody likely.
That was in2005. Then in 2012 we get
this statement from Jokolo:
Northern politicians created Boko Haram
– Mustapha Jokolo, former Emir of Gwandu
http://elombah.com/index.php/articles-mainmenu/10385-northern-politicians-created-bokoharammustapha-
jokolo-former-emir-of-gwandu Published on Friday, 30 March 2012 11:46 -
This reported statement by the deposed
Emir of Gwandu declaring that Northern politicians created Boko Haram, is like
the testimony of the former deputy leader of a criminal gang turned prosecution
witness. We must recall that when he was the Emir of Gwandu, he was the Number
two man in the Caliphate hierarchy, second only to the Sultan of Sokoto.
Besides, he was the very man who, at a meeting of emirs in March 2005, called
for a fight with the Obasanjo government. And it was a few months later, in
mid- 2005, that Boko Haram began to show evidence of better financing and
increasing capacity. Jokolo must know well whereof he spoke in 2012.
We have seen that for the Caliphate,
gaining and retaining power by fraud and mass slaughter is more congenial than
doing so through free and fair elections. Given that background, the sample
news headlines, displayed in this essay, that link Boko Haram operatives to
Caliphate figures (ACF leaders, Caliphate politicians, as well as Emirs) are
prima facie evidence that Boko Haram has Caliphate sponsors. Jokolo’s
authoritative and insider’s statement in 2012 pretty much establishes the
point.
Highlights from Caliphate Colonialism
essay:
- The Caliphate must go!
- Kick the Caliphate out of Nigeria, and Boko Haram will die.
- The Caliphate must go!
- Kick out the Caliphate, so we can uproot its feudalist principle of public-office-as-fief-forprivate- plunder that has fostered Nigeria’s lootocratic “corruption”.
- The Caliphate must go!
- Kick out the Caliphate so that Nigerians can move forward to true federalism and general prosperity.
- However well any nationality thinks it has done under Caliphate colonialism, it stands to do much better after we jointly free ourselves from these arrogant caliphate parasites, that is to say, after the Caliphate’s lion’s share of the national cake is taken from them and redistributed.
- The Caliphate must go!
- The long-suffering victims of Caliphate Colonialism must now go on the counter-offensive and drive the Caliphate out of Nigeria. We must then seal the border between the Caliphate Shariyaland and the new Secular-democratic Nigeria. If need be we should erect an Iron Curtain or build a Great Wall to keep these jihadist barbarians out of our new Nigeria.
- Why?
- Please read on!
Format Please
note: A quoted passage, however long, is indicated by a deep indent, a Q
number, and bracketed off thus: e.g. Q55) abcdefgh.
. .
Introduction
Nigeria is a torn country, a country
torn between two irreconcilable versions of what is should become. These two
rival versions have been in conflict since the 1940s. They are the
Feudatheocracy version and the Secular-democracy version.
The Feudatheocracy version was best
articulated by Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, in 1960 when he told
his Caliphate constituency:
Q1)
“The new nation called Nigeria should
be an estate of our great-grandfather, Uthman Dan
Fodio. We must ruthlessly prevent a change of power. We use the minorities of
the North as willing tools and the South as a conquered territory and never
allow them to rule over us, and never allow them to have control over their
future.” Sir Ahmadu Bello, Leader of the NPC and Premier of Northern
Nigeria, (Parrot Newspaper, 12th Oct. 1960; republished
on November 13, 2002, by the Tribune Newspaper, Ibadan.)
The Secular-Democracy version was best
articulated in 1978-79 by Chief Obafemi Awolowo when, at various points on the
campaign trail, he told Nigerians:
Q2)
“In order that Nigeria may achieve
rapid economic progress, and establish an egalitarian, just, democratic and
peaceful society . . . we of the Unity Party of Nigeria are resolutely
determined to pursue [the following]:
Equal opportunity for every Nigerian;
equality under the law; extermination of ethnic hegemony; dethronement of
mediocrity wherever it exists; guaranteeing for every Nigerian no matter his
place of birth or state of origin, equal access to the good things of life.
[etc.] . . .
Our dual aim is to achieve equality of
status for Nigerians and the black people with all other racial groups, and
respectable economic strength for Nigeria in the international community. . .
.We . . .can succeed . . . provided we allow ourselves to be guided by this
great principle: “The glory of a Ruler is the welfare of every one of his
people.”
Obafemi Awolowo, UPN Candidate, 1979
Presidential Election (Path to Nigerian Greatness, Enugu:Fourth
Dimension, 1981:33, 32-33, 95, 97, 43)
These two ideological versions of
Nigeria have been locked in struggle, and until one ideology defeats the other,
or until Nigeria divides into two separate entities, one for those aspiring to
each of these incompatible versions, Nigeria will remain unstable, backward; a
theatre of recurring bloodbaths; a disgrace to itself and the Black World; and
a breeding ground for international terrorism. Let us look into why.
Map #1: Nigeria’s
great divide:the Sharia states (a.k.a. Shariyaland) and the rest of us.
Part One: Caliphate Colonialism
and Boko Haram—A brief history
Part Two: Caliphate agenda and
ideology in their own words, 1942-2012
Part Three: Boko Haram as
Caliphate Terrorist agency-the evidence
Part Four: Boko Haram-Nigeria’s
Caliphate vs. Non-Caliphate civil war: the Caliphate Challenge to
Nigeria’s Democracy
Part Five: What is to be done? The
Caliphate must go! Expel the Caliphate from Nigeria before December 31, 2014,
and forestall the bloodbath promised for 2015 by Buhari.
Appendix: The 1995 Constitution of
Ethiopia (the Preamble)
=========================================
Part
One: Caliphate Colonialism and Boko Haram-a brief history
Nigeria’s history will remain
unintelligible, and much about it will seem senseless, until we glimpse the
hidden dynamics that has dominated and shaped it since 1950, namely the
Caliphate’s colonialist agenda and the confused and uncoordinated resistance to
it.
The political violence [pogroms, coups,
civil war, assassinations, judicial murders, terrorism, etc.] that has marked
Nigeria from the 1950s has been in furtherance of, or in resistance to,
Caliphate Colonialism. These have ranged from
1. the (Caliphate-organized) 1953
Kano pogrom, which was the Caliphate’s reprisal for the
booing of its political leaders by Lagos crowds over the Anthony Enahoro
“Self-Government-in-1956” motion ; through 2. the 1960 and
1964 (anti-Caliphate) Tiv uprisings 2 ;
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kano_riot_of_1953
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
http://www.minorityrights.org/5765/nigeria/tiv.html (Accessed Jan, 2013)
http://www.minorityrights.org/5765/nigeria/tiv.html (Accessed Jan, 2013)
3. the (Caliphate-
inspired) 1962 Western Nigeria Crisis
http://www.dawodu.com/balewa2.htm
(Accessed Jan, 2013);
4. the (Caliphate-rigged) 1964-65
elections which provoked the UPGA (anti-Caliphate) Operation
wetie of late 1965 that triggered the UPGA
(anti-Caliphate) Jan 15, 1966 coup
http://www.mongabay.com/history/nigeria/nigeria-the_1964-65_elections.html
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
5; down to the Boko Haram terrorism of
today.
http://segundawodu.com/nzeogwu.htm
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
Some other violent episodes that become
understandable through the lens of Caliphate Colonialism are the (Caliphate-organized)
May, July and September 1966 pogroms;
6. the (Caliphate’s) July
1966 Counter-coup;
http://www.nairaland.com/482611/northern-counter-coup-1966-fulstory
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
7. the 1967-1970 civil
war which accomplished the Caliphate’s military conquest of all of
Nigeria;
http://www.photius.com/countries/nigeria/government/nigeria_government_the_1966_coups_civi~10021.html
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
8. the (Caliphate’s
anti-Gowon) 1975 Murtala Mohammed Coup .8 By
the way, Murtala’s legendary anti-corruption “Purge,” for which he was seen as
a National hero, was probably a cover for accomplishing the Caliphate’s policy
of Northernization of the Federal Public Service: some say that he quietly
replaced the purged officials-who were mostly Southerners-with Northerners
mostly. Those with access to the records should help to verify that;
http://nigeriavillagesquare.com/articles/max-siollun/the-roller-coaster-life-of-murtala-mohammed.html
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
9. the (anti-Caliphate) 1976
Dimka coup ;
http://www.dawodu.com/dimka.htm
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
10. the (Caliphate’s) 1983
Buhari coup 10 which, it came to be realized, was staged to
preempt the Caliphate’s approaching loss of power in 1987 through the scheduled
NPN rotation of the presidential candidacy to a Southerner [See Q33 below];
http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/barticles/buhari_and_idiagbon_a_missed_opp.htm (Accessed
Jan, 2013)
11. the (anti-Caliphate) 1990
Orkar coup, For the few hours before the coup was crushed, Orkar
excised the Caliphate from Nigeria;
http://www.dawodu.com/omoigui8.htm
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
12. the (Caliphate-orchestrated) June
12 election annulment which led to
13. the imprisonment and death
of MKO Abiola, the winner of the annulled election; and to
http://www.nigerianmuse.com/20080529221854zg/nigeria-watch/abiola-was-beaten-to-death-says-amustapha/
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
14. the political
assassinations under Abacha , 1993-1998 ;
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hamza_aMustapha
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
15. the perennial religious and ethnic
violence in Kaduna and Plateau states caused by Hausa and Fulani
hegemonists who attempt to take over lands, and to dominate non-Hausa and
non-Fulani peoples, that were not conquered by the Caliphate jihadists in
pre-British times (i.e. caused by covert pressures to expand the Caliphate
domain);
16. the (Caliphate-attempted) judicial
murder of Gen. Zamani Lekwot and his Zango Kataf associates in
1993 ;
http://www.hrw.org/reports/1993/03/01/military-injustice-major-generazamani-lekwot-and-others-facegovernment-
sanctio (Accessed Jan, 2013) & http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Atyap_people
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
17. the (Caliphate’s) 1995 judicial
murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa;
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/jun/08/nigeria-usa
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
18. the (pro-Caliphate) 1999
sacking of Odi ;
http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/34801
(Accessed Jan, 2013) & http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Odi_massacre (Accessed
Jan, 2013)
19. the 2001 sacking of Zaki
Biam;
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/from_our_own_correspondent/1634356.stm
(Accessed Jan, 2013)
20. the (Caliphate-serving) repression
of the Niger Delta militancy ; down to
21. the (Caliphate-sponsored) Boko
Haram terrorism campaign.
These and other troubles are rooted
deep in the way, and the purpose for which, Nigeria was put together by the
British, so we should start by looking into that.
The founding of
Nigeria
The British officially created Northern
Nigeria in 1900, and Southern Nigeria in 1906. The separate colonial
administrations of these two entities were amalgamated in 1914 on the
explicitly stated principle that Northern Nigeria, “the husband”, would
financially live off the dowry/revenue/resources of Southern Nigeria, “the
wife”. Then, during the process of decolonization, between 1955 and 1960, the
British made the Caliphate the successor to their colonial power by rigging the
Caliphate’s political party, the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), into
office.
The Caliphate, i.e. the sarkuna or feudal
ruling class of the North [the Caliphate-equivalent of the
British aristocracy], has ever since made that amalgamation principle an
article of faith and has enforced its “husband” rights as Allah-given,
permanent and unamendable. They have even publicly declared their readiness to
commit genocide to enforce their presumed right to plunder and squander the
resources of the South, by proposing to kill off 20 million (i.e. 1/7th or
14% of their) fellow Nigerians who live in the oiproducing Niger Delta.
Their
insistence on ruling Nigeria in perpetuity, and on exploiting the South,
together with the resistance to that insistence, is the dynamic behind the
recurring instability and mayhem in Nigeria’s history. That is the context to
the two coups and the pogroms of 1966, the 1967-70 Civil War and to both the
Niger Delta militancy and the Boko Haram terrorism of today.
Here are three statements by Caliphate
spokesmen that respectively shed light on [A] their “One
Nigeria” Project, [B] their ideology of ethnic castes,
and [C] their genocidal mindset.
A] In 1960, Sir
Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, leader of the Caliphate politicians,
described the Caliphate’s Nigeria Project thus: [See Q1 above]
B] In 1992, Maitama
Sule, a senior Caliphate politician, shed more light on the Sardauna’s Nigeria
Project when he detailed the Caliphate view of the caste system they deem
proper for the relationship between the peoples of Nigeria:
Q3)
1992 “In this
country, all of us need one another. Hausa need Igbos, Igbos need Yoruba and
the Yorubas need the Northerners. Everyone has a gift from God. Northerners are
endowed by God with leadership qualities. The Yoruba man knows how to earn a
living and has diplomatic qualities. The Igbo is gifted in 9 commerce,
trade and technological innovation. God so created us individually for a
purpose and with different gifts. Others are created as kings, students
anddoctors. We all need each other. If there are no followers, a king will not
exist, if there are no students a teacher will not be required, etc.” 26
- 1992, Alhaji Maitama Sule in an address which was written and
spoken in Arabic during the launching of The Power of Knowledge authored
by Alhaji Isa Kaita, at Durbar Hotel, Kaduna on December 22, 1992. {26 Ayoada,
J. A. A. Nigeria and the Squandering of Hope, Ibadan: University
of Ibadan Press, 1997, p. 14}
In other words, in
the Caliphate’s feudal version of Nigeria the peoples have been divided into
castes, or hereditary occupational classes:Hausa rulers, Yoruba diplomatic
messengers and Igbo traders and technicians.
C] In 2009, the
Caliphate’s genocidal mentality was publicly displayed in the following
statement to the House of Representatives by a Caliphate legislator:
- Q4) 2009
“What is happening in the Niger Delta
is pure criminality of the highest order, arising from total disregard for
constituted authority. In Iraq, thousands of people lost their lives because of
an insurrection against the government during the reign of former Iraqi leader,
Saddam Hussein. We can do away with 20 million militants for the
rest 120 million Nigerians to live.” (emphasis added) -2009 An
incitement to genocide by Bala Ibn N’Allah of Kebbi State, a Caliphate member
of the Nigerian House of Representatives. (The Guardian, Thursday, May
28, 2009). [See also Q26 below].
Had the 1950s leaders of Nigeria’s
West, East and Middle Belt ( Obafemi Awolowo, Nnamdi Azikiwe, and Joseph
Tarka)-whose parties later formed the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA)
in 1964-glimpsed or understood the Caliphate’s Nigeria Project, they would have
seen reason to make a united escape from Caliphate colonialism, instead of
committing themselves to independence in an unexamined “One Nigeria”, and
allowing their peoples to be used serially against one another for the benefit
of the Caliphate.
Having described his project to
his people, the Sardauna, the leader of the Caliphate politicians, started his
campaign to aggrandize Caliphate power in other parts of Nigeria. He began his
moves in Western Nigeria by sparking the Western Crisis in 1962. The political
resistance to this effort led to the trial and imprisonment of the
Yoruba leader, Chief Obafemi Awolowo (a.k.a. Awo) 18; and
the flight abroad of his political lieutenant, Anthony Enahoro, as a
“fugitive offender”. The resistance then took the form of the
AG-NCNC-UMBC alliance, named the United Progressive Grand Alliance (UPGA), that
unsuccessfully contested the rigged December 1964 Federal elections against the
Caliphate-led Nigerian National Alliance (NNA), and then the October 1965
Western regional elections where the UPGA’s Action Group (AG) vied with the
Caliphate-backed Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) of Samuel L.
Akintola, the then Western regional premier. When that election was rigged by
the Caliphate’s “Federal might”, and Akintola was declared the winner and sworn
in for another term as Premier, it sparked the violent civil unrest called Operation
wetie, which triggered the January 15, 1966 coup that swept the
Caliphate politicians from power at the federal level and in their Northern
Region bastion.
The Caliphate struck back with the
pogroms of May 1966, which led to the overthrow of the Ironsi military regime
in the Caliphate counter-coup of July 1966. The Caliphate counter offensive
continued with the pogroms that sought to drive from the North those fellow
Nigerians that Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa had, in 1948, called “invaders” of
the North. [See Q15 below] The crisis of the pogroms led to
Biafra’s secession in 1967; and that, in turn, triggered the Civil War to
forcibly drag Biafrans back into the Caliphate colony that Nigeria had become.
The Caliphate’s military conquest of Nigeria was completed in January 1970 with
the defeat of Biafra.
Thereafter a period of unalloyed
Caliphate colonialism began. The Caliphate ruled through civilian and military
governments that were led sometimes by its own members and sometimes by trusted
non-Caliphate agents.
By 1999, the Caliphate had evolved a
peculiar federal system that they entrenched through the 1999 constitution, a
system that allows them to dominate and exploit other Nigerians behind a façade
of democracy. But while they were evolving that constitution (1966-1999), they
resorted to all manner of makeshift measures to hang on to power, sometimes
ruling through their members, and at other times through “willing tools” from
the Northern minorities or loyal agents from the “conquered” South. [See the
sequence of governments in the table below]
Nigeria: Sequence of Governments,
1957-2013, with the Caliphate /non-Caliphate character of each
September1957
to 16 January 1966
|
Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, Prime Minister
|
Civilian
Caliphate-dominated coalition regime led by a Muslim Bageri non-Caliphate
man; installed by the British, toppled by Nzeogwu’s anti-Caliphate, UPGA
coup.
|
16
January 1966 to 29 July 1966
|
Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, Head of the
Federal Military Government
|
Non-Caliphate
military regime led by a Christian Igbo non-Caliphate man; toppled by Murtala
Muhammed’s Caliphate/ NNA counter-coup.
|
1
August 1966 to 29 July 1975
|
Yakubu Gowon, Head of the
Federal Military Government
|
Caliphate
military regime installed by Murtala Muhammed, but led by a Christian non-
Caliphate “willing tool” from Northern minorities.
|
29
July 1975 to 13 February 1976
|
Murtala Mohammed, Head of the
Federal Military Government
|
Caliphate
military regime led by a Muslim, Hausa-Fulani Caliphate scion.
|
13
February 1976 to 1 October 1979
|
Olusegun Obasanjo, (a.k.a. OBJ),
Head of the Federal Military Government
|
Caliphate
military regime with a loyal Christian Yoruba agent from the “conquered”
South as front man, installed to complete Murtala Muhammed’s tenure and
program.
|
1
October 1979 to 31 December 1983
|
Shehu Shagari, President
|
Caliphate
civilian regime led by a Fulani Caliphate scion; installed by OBJ through a
rigged election and judicial shenanigans about 2/3 of 19 states.
|
31
December 1983 to 27 August 1985
|
Muhammadu Buhari, Chairman of the
Supreme Military Council
|
Caliphate
military regime led by Fulani Caliphate scions, Buhari and Idiagbon;
installed to pre-empt election of any Southerner as president in 1987.
|
27
August 1985 to 26 August 1993
|
Ibrahim Babangida, (a.k.a. IBB)
President of the Armed Forces Ruling Council
|
Caliphate
military regime led by a Muslim Gwari non-Caliphate man from Northern
Minorities
|
26
August 1993 to 17 November 1993
|
Ernest Shonekan, Interim Head of
State
|
Civilian-military
Interim regime led by a Yoruba Christian; a contraption by Babangida to
continue his administration until his “rightful” Caliphate military successor
was ready to emerge.
|
17
November 1993 to 8 June 1998
|
Sani Abacha, Chairman of the
Provisional Ruling Council Caliphate military regime led by a Muslim Kanuri
agent of the Caliphate.
|
|
8
June 1998 to 29 May 1999
|
Abdulsalami Abubakar, Chairman of the
Provisional Ruling Council
|
Caliphate
military regime led by a Muslim Gwari from Northern Minorities.
|
29
May 1999 to 29 May 2007
|
Olusegun Obasanjo, President
|
Civilian
non-Caliphate regime, led by a Christian Yoruba agent of the Caliphate. The
Caliphate soon came to regard him as a “menace”.
|
29
May 2007 to 5 May 2010
|
Umaru Musa Yar'Adua, President
|
Civilian
Caliphate regime led by a Fulani Caliphate scion
|
9
February 2010 to Present
|
Goodluck Jonathan, Acting President
till 6 May 2011, and President since then.
|
Civilian
non-Caliphate regime led by a Christian Ijaw non-Caliphate man: Caliphate
chieftains vowed to make Nigeria ungovernable for him.
|
Having conquered all of Nigeria by
means of the Civil War, and by using the Nigerian armed forces that were mostly
filled with non-Caliphate soldiers led by non-Caliphate generals, the Caliphate
schemed to remove the non-Caliphate Gen. Yakubu Gowon as Head of State and
replace him with one of their own (i.e. a member of the Caliphate sarkuna or
ruling class). Accordingly, a Caliphate coup on July 29, 1975 deposed Gowon and
replaced him with Murtala Mohammed.
When Gowon’s fellow Middle Belt soldiers 13
tried to snatch back power through the anti-Caliphate Dimka coup on Feb. 13,
1976, they were defeated and slaughtered. But the assassinated Murtala Mohammed
was replaced by a Yoruba Caliphate agent, Gen. Obasanjo (a.k.a. OBJ) who ruled
as figurehead or front man. In 1979, OBJ’s government duly rigged the elections
for a Caliphate politician, Shehu Shagari of the NPN and handed power to him
through the bizarre and disputed Supreme Court ruling on 2/3rds of
19 States: Awolowo V Shagari. (19 http://nigeriavillagesquare.com/seyi-olu-awofeso/23rds-of-19-states-awolowo-v-shagari.html).
When election time came again in 1983
and a non-Caliphate man, Chief MKO Abiola, sought the nomination of the ruling
NPN, he was rebuffed. Shagari contested and was re-“elected”. Then, to prolong
Caliphate rule without running the risk of free and fair elections, the Buhari
coup, on December 31, 1983, deposed Shagari, the Caliphate civilian President,
and replaced him as Head of State with a Caliphate military man, Gen. Muhammadu
Buhari.
Thus their dreaded loss of power through elections and the risk of
rotation was postponed. The Caliphate then became determined to tolerate an
election only if it could have them rigged for its politicians, as had happened
in 1959, 1979 and 1983. That determination sowed the seeds of the annulment of
the June 12, 1993 election.
Though two Caliphate generals, Buhari
and Idiagbon, were in power from December 31, 1983, a struggle among the
Caliphate military agents caused Ibrahim Babangida (a.k.a. IBB) to oust Buhari
in 1985. (As far as can be ascertained, IBB is not of sarkuna stock.)
But then, to the dismay of the Caliphate, IBB embarked on a transition program
which sought to install the very democracy that the Caliphate thoroughly fears
and detests.
Though it disliked the IBB transition program, the Caliphate
initially could do nothing to stop it, and so bided its time and organized the
forces it would eventually use to scuttle IBB’s transition program when the
opportunity arose.
While the Caliphate was waiting for its
opportunity, the Orkar coup of 1990, which announced the excision of the
Caliphate territory from Nigeria, gave the Caliphate a great scare. The IBB
regime, in self-defense, crushed the Orkar coup.
Gideon Orkar and his comrades
But three years later the IBB
transition program was itself terminated by the Caliphate, by using the
Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), a Southern group, as well as
Caliphate-loyal generals largely from the Middle Belt. The irony here is that
IBB’s transition program and the Orkar Coup would each have terminated
Caliphate power, the one through the ballot and the other through the bullet;
but they fought each other, only for the victor to be overwhelmed by the
Caliphate overlord through its orchestrated annulment of June 12.
The
Jellaba-Arab colonialists in Khartoum have a name for this
maneuver: “using a slave to kill a slave.” The Caliphate used this
maneuver twice in the early 1990s:
IBB to kill the Orkar coup, and then
the ABN and Middle Belt Generals to kill the IBB transition program.
In the protracted struggle between the
Caliphate and its subject peoples, the Caliphate has been quite clear about its
objectives and has fought without confusion. Unfortunately the anti-Caliphate
forces have never thoroughly understood the enemy they are up against. As a
result, they have fought like a blind man battling in the ring with a Muhammad Ali
or a Mike Tyson. So they were overwhelmed, often by the Caliphate’s use of some
other non-Caliphate forces. As happened in June 12.
The anti-Caliphate forces have also
been deeply divided by their own rivalries and quarrels. But for the feud
between Awo and Zik in the 1950s, the Caliphate would not have inherited power
from the British. Sir James Robertson would have found it impossible to install
Balewa as the Prime Minister of Nigeria.
And the sad saga of Nigeria under
Caliphate colonialism might have been avoided. Now that the anti-Caliphate
forces have been attempting to come together to demand a Sovereign National
Conference (SNC) and a truly federal constitution to replace the fraudulent
1999 constitution, they need to understand the hidden dynamics that has
dominated Nigerian history since the 1950s, and then unite to get rid of it
once and for all. Fighting among themselves will only help the Caliphate to
climb back and hang onto power.
Their chronic unclarity about their
Caliphate enemy, and their persistent lack of unity would also be true in the
struggles since the June 12 crisis. June 12 officially ended in 1999, when a
harassed Caliphate made a negotiated handover of power, through a pre-determined
election, to OBJ, its Yoruba agent of proven loyalty. It considered the
handover “temporary”.
But it soon came to regret the handover. To safeguard his
presidency, OBJ retired all “political” military officers who could
endanger the nascent democracy. Most of those affected were Hausa-Fulani scions
of the Caliphate. OBJ thereby robbed the Caliphate of its military capacity to
undermine his government. This earned him their enmity.
As it saw its hold on the Nigerian
military being systematically destroyed by a vengeful OBJ, it had to find some
alternative weapons for returning to power. OBJ was on a personal vendetta
because his Caliphate masters had humiliated him by imprisoning him for
allegedly being party to a coup against their man Gen. Sani Abacha, and for
torturing him in prison.
A Caliphate that had survived the challenges of 15
rotation, the Orkar coup and June 12, suddenly found itself deprived of its
control of the military instrument it had used to hold on to power for three
decades. It was not amused. It responded to its eroding hegemony by playing the
Sharia card.
So, soon after it saw the way OBJ was going, it launched the
sharia movement and installed the sharia as the constitution in the 12 states
of its Arewa bastion in Nigeria’s Far North. This was a challenge to the
Constitution and tantamount to opting out of the secular Federal Republic of
Nigeria. But OBJ, for reasons best known to himself, declined to enforce the
constitution against them.
Why did OBJ do nothing when the Arewa
states violated the secular constitution by adopting Sharia? Wasn’t that a form
of secession, by repudiating the Constitution that is supposed to hold Nigeria
together? Wasn’t that treason? And wasn’t it his duty as President to uphold
and enforce the constitution?
How was that action constitutionally different
from Biafra’s exit from Nigeria? And wasn’t it his duty to preserve “One
Nigeria” in the Sharia case—like he had helped do in the Biafra case? Had OBJ
taken action in 2000 against the Sharia “secession”, would Boko Haram have
emerged in 2002? Would it have grown into the monster it has become today?
In response to what they perceived as
the Obasanjo “menace”, the Caliphate emirs met on March 28, 2005 in Kaduna
under the auspices of the Nigerian Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs (NSCIA),
of which the Sultan of Sokoto is the traditional Chairman. At that meeting
Major Mustapha Jokolo (rtd), the then Emir of Gwandu, traditionally the
second-in-command to the Sultan, complained bitterly that northern Muslims had
been marginalized by President Obasanjo: complaining that today they have
no banks, and construction companies; that their soldiers were compulsorily
retired from the army shortly after Obasanjo came to power; and that their
children are being denied recruitment in the army. “We must decide what to do
now. . .Let our people withdraw from the confab. . . Muslims are not afraid and
they will come out to say the truth.” -(“Emir’s Jihad Threat”, Insider
Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.17.)
Jokolo added that
Q5) 2005
“We (Muslims) have been pushed to the
wall and it is time to fight…. Obasanjo is trampling on our rights and Muslims
must rise and defend their rights. The more we continue to wait, the more we
will continue to be marginalized.” - Mustapha Jokolo, quoted in (“Emir’s
Jihad Threat” Insider Weekly, May 2, 2005, p.19)
For this “fight” [Jihad?] they had to
find another military instrument. Hence, presumably, their adoption of Boko
Haram and the subsequent enhancement of its terrorist capacity, and the reported
sudden affluence of its leader who began to move about in SUVs. Was it sheer
coincidence that Boko Haram became welfunded and more powerful in mid-2005
[See Q30 below] a few months after the Emir of Gwandu called
for a fight to end what the Caliphate perceived as its marginalization by the
OBJ Government? Not bloody likely. More on this later in Part Three.
While all that was going on, Enahoro,
through his Movement for National Reformation (MNR), began, in 1992, to
advocate for a Sovereign National Conference (SNC) to fundamentally restructure
the Nigerian Federation and end the disadvantages of the subjugated
non-Caliphate ethnic nationalities. By 2004, the MNR had morphed into PRONACO
which began campaigning for a constitution to replace the fraudulent 1999
constitution and thereby deprive the Caliphate of its pseudo-democratic
instrument of permanent domination and exploitation. The Caliphate did not
welcome any of that.
When furthermore OBJ schemed to have
his non-Caliphate protégé become President, the Caliphate leaders saw red. OBJ,
in the spirit of the “temporary” handover, had obligingly selected a Caliphate
politician to succeed himself in 2007 and return power to his Caliphate
patrons, but he deliberately handpicked Umaru Yar’ Adua who was seriously ill,
in the hope, perhaps, that he would die in office and be succeeded by his
non-Caliphate Vice President, Goodluck Jonathan.
Luckily for OBJ’s scheming,
this all came to pass when President Yar’ Adua died in office in 2010. When
President Jonathan then failed to relinquish the presidency to them and entered
the contest for a full term of his own, as was his constitutional right,
Caliphate politicians publicly vowed to make the country ungovernable for him.
[See Q27, below] And when he won the 2011 election, they kept their
promise and unleashed their Boko Haram terrorists on the country.
How did Boko Haram arise and become
available for this assignment? According to evidence in the book Power,
Politics and Death by Olusegun Adeniyi, who was the Special Adviser on
Communications (i.e. media spokesperson) to the late
President Yar’ Adua, Boko Haram was a tiny and 17 obscure sect from its
founding in 2002 until 2005 when it was apparently adopted by some powerful
sponsors. Its leader began to live affluently and the magnitude and
sophistication of its terrorist capacity began to build up.
So great had this
terror capacity grown that in 2012, Boko Haram gave a “quit the North” notice
to those the Caliphate leaders had called “invaders” back in 1948 [See Q15 below],
and enforced the order by bombing churches and funerals, and by other acts of
mass murder. But, unfortunately for its Caliphate sponsors, Boko Haram, as its
power grew, developed an agenda of its own which threatened the Caliphate’s
very survival. [More on that later when we discuss Boko Haram’s minimal and
maximal agenda.]
Terror, mass murder and genocide in
Caliphate ideology
It needs to be emphasized that terror,
mass murder and genocide have been political instruments of the Caliphate right
from the early 1950s.
In 1953 they instigated a pogrom in
Kano in reprisal for the booing of their political leaders by Lagos crowds who
protested their rejection of Enahoro’s “Self-Government-in-1956” motion.
Then in a bid to regain power after
losing it in Jan 1966, they unleashed pogroms in order to expel from their
territory those they had earlier, in 1948, labeled “invaders”.
The Caliphate’s dedication to mass
murder as an instrument of power politics was articulated publicly in 2009 when
one of its legislators, Bala N’Allah, told the House of Representatives:
“We can do away with 20 million
militants for the rest 120 million Nigerians to live” [For the full statement
See Q4 above.] Nobody should therefore be surprised that they
unleashed Boko Haram on Nigerians after OBJ deprived them of control of the
Nigerian Army, their previous favorite instrument of political violence.
Against this background, the current
controversy about the genocide during the Civil War should be put in proper
perspective. Responsibility for that genocide must rest, not with the field
commanders, but with their Caliphate masters.
Gowon provided a non-Caliphate
and gentlemanly façade behind which field commanders could deniably commit
genocide with impunity as directed by Caliphate policy. As with the French and
their Foreign Legion, the Caliphate colonialists, like all colonialists, use
troops and commanders from anywhere to do their bloody work.
PART 2 TO FOLLOW
===================================================================
About the Author
Chinweizu is a historian and Neo-Garvey
Pan-Africanist. His books include The West and the Rest of Us,
(1975); and Decolonising the African Mind (1987).
sundoor999@gmail.com All rights reserved.
© Chinweizu 2013
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