By
Sonala Olumhense
Mike
Okhai Akhigbe
|
Someday, Namadi Sambo, at his appointed
time just like everyone else, will die. Mr. Sambo is the Vice-President
of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, the country’s second most powerful job.
About 15 years ago, that position was
held by a frontline naval chief known as Mike Akhigbe. Last week, he died in
the United States of America. May his soul rest in peace.
Akhigbe was known to some as NNS
Fearless. He was a tough-talking protégé of General Augustus Aikhomu, to whom
he owed some of the accelerated political advancement he enjoyed at a
relatively young age. He rose to the top of his profession as Vice Admiral, and
rounded up public service as Chief of General Staff in the government of
Abdussalam Abubakar.
As a former leader of Africa’s most
contradictory country, he should never have died in America. People go to
America to live, not to die. It is the land of immigrants where people
fleeing persecution or hardship, or seeking new opportunities, go. It is
somewhat ironic when someone, especially one or the relative of one who has had
a chance to make America of his own country, goes there to die.
Some people say it is wrong to speak
ill of the dead. But I believe it is considerably worse to do ill of the
living, which is why some may find a few of the remarks in this essay to be offensive.
I have no apologies.
No one knows the time of his death. Not
Sambo. Not Akhigbe. Not me. That is how God created us. What we all know,
however—what we always know when Time and Chance elevate us or tantalize us
with images of invincibility—is when we hold in our hands something called
authority.
Authority: The quality of being invested with power.
Akhigbe knew authority. As a journalist
in the prime of my professional health, I witnessed his ascendancy in the
mid-1980s to the post of Governor of Ondo, and then of Lagos State, presiding
over the vast riches of Nigeria’s richest State.
He governed, but he neither enriched
nor enhanced Lagos. As our leaders usually do, he disbursed the currency of
power in a lukewarm and self-centred way. He traveled with the bluster and
swagger of the military, like an end unto himself. Some people who knew him
well in Lagos say that is exactly whom he was, and that he could serve himself
with the best of them. I know a part of this story because once, he made me an
incredibly lucrative offer. I humbly declined.
Anyone looking for proof of how much of
a survivalist he was may look a statement by General Abdusalami Abubakar, who
served as Head of State for 11 months from 1998 until the return of Obasanjo in
May 1999.
Abubakar told NewsWatch that Abacha
would have retired him from the army on June 8 1998. As it turned out, that was
the day he died.
“There were indications that the Chief
of Naval Staff and the Chief of Army Staff, Major-General Ishaya Bamaiyi (and)
Rear Admiral Mike Akhigbe and I were to be dismissed the Monday he (Abacha)
died.”
Akhigbe went on to become the highest
ranking naval officer at the time. When he died last week, some “top” Nigerians
were falling all over themselves to pay tribute.
A former governor of Lagos State, Chief
Bola Tinubu, who is richer than half of the country but has yet to build
anything to serve the people, went further. “I call on the federal
government to heavily invest in state-of-the-heart medical facilities…so that
this disease can be early detected and treated before it becomes
life-threatening. We owe that much to the memory of Akhigbe.”
Really?
Not only should Akhigbe never have died
in America, he may not even have died last week, had his ailment been diagnosed
early. He was in office as the nation’s Number 2 man, and he did not
build or inspire any hospitals, let alone a state-of-the-art anything designed
to benefit the Nigerian people.
I know he was in office for less than a
year, but it is not the length of time; it is the heart that a leader invests
in service. Regrettably, the heart that Akhigbe and Abubakar his boss invested
in their 11 months is sad to recall.
I will list four measurements.
First: the Halliburton report of April
2010 in which Akhigbe was listed with former Nigerian leaders Ibrahim Bademasi
Babangida, General Abubakar, General Abacha and Chief Ernest Shonekan among 80
Nigerians who allegedly collected inducements in exchange for contract favours
on the Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas project.
Second: his role in covering up the
malfeasance that he and Abubakar said they uncovered on the part of Abacha and
his aides. They took every opportunity to tell Nigerians of vast sums of
money they had recovered from such people as Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, Abacha’s
National Security Adviser; Chief Anthony Ani, his Minister of Finance; and
Alhaji Bashir Dalhatu, who was the Minister of Power and Steel.
From Gwarzo alone they said they had
recovered as much as $700, with a lot more being expected. They said the
former NSA had admitted to owning at least 28 lavish properties in Abuja, and
several more in such places as Zaria, Kano and Gwarzo. At that point,
about three months after Abubakar and Akhigbe assumed office, their government
said about N65 billion had been recovered from the Abacha family.
Later that year, Akhigbe declared that
the government’s priority was not to jail the looters, but to recover the loot.
And then, early in May 1999, weeks
before Obasanjo assumed power, Abubakar disclosed that $727 million had been
recovered from the Abacha family, and that the incoming civilian administration
would determine its disbursement.
Third: following the election of
Obasanjo, and in the weeks leading to his swearing-in, Nigeria was abuzz with
several large deals being cornered by the top military chiefs, including 11 oil
exploration blocks and eight oil lifting contracts. Of the loot, The News
magazine reported on May 10, 1999 that Akhigbe’s Ozeko Energy Resources
received OPL 243. Neither he nor the government contradicted the report,
despite still being in power.
Four: in September 1999, President
Obasanjo revoked lands and properties that were improperly appropriated during
the military regimes of Babangida, Abacha and Abubakar. Involved in the
exercise were 26 prototype housing units at Gwarinmpa in Abuja, and 42 plots of
land at the Osborne Phase II project in Lagos.
The Osborne stretch of land had a
fascinating history. One greedy military regime after the other seized it
and distributed it among its top members. After Abubakar, the new
“winners” included Abubakar, Akhigbe, Gwarzo and Major Hamza Al-Mustapha.
The moral of this tale is that if you
looked at the decade and a half that Akhigbe was at the height of his powers,
he had every opportunity to provide or help provide the vision and inspiration
and direction and dynamism that every society needs to fire up its development
and empower its people.
Regrettably, he did not pen his name in
the imagination of our people. Instead, he left behind images of greed
and graft, which is partly why our leaders and their wives would rather die in
a foreign country than live in theirs.
Yes, I knew NNS Fearless. He was
a remarkable military officer.
But he was not a great man, let alone a
statesman.
sonala.olumhense@gmail.com
Twitter: @Sonala.Olumhense
Twitter: @Sonala.Olumhense
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