By Jaye Gaskia
A BRIEF RE-INTRODUCTION
This paper was originally written in 2010 in preparation for the annual
Nigeria Social Forum [NSF], which was to gather in Benin City. The NSF is an
integral part of the World Social Forum [WSF] movement, which also holds
annually about January. The WSF was first convened in Porto Allegre in Brazil,
in a state where the Brazilian Workers Party was in power, before that Workers
party took power nationally in democratic elections under immediate past
President Lula.
It was convened as a direct response to and rebuff of the annual World
Economic Forum [WEF] gathering of state and business leaders promoting various
versions of the free market, in its regulated or unregulated forms. It was a
gathering where government leaders of the dominant economies held discussions
with world business leaders on how best to promote the interest of capital, and
sustain capitalist exploitation globally.
The WSF was convened as a direct follow up to the Seattle game changing
mass demonstrations against the World Trade Organisation [WTO]. The mass
demonstrations saw the coming together in joint struggle of old and new social
movements; the trades unions and the movements of peoples and citizens across
the globe. The mass demonstrations paralysed the WTO, and prevented the worst
outcomes for developing countries and labour in general from being rubber
stamped by delegates.
From its outcome, in the revivalist atmosphere of its victory, the decision
to challenge the WSF with a rebuff and an alternative forum for peoples was taken;
hence the Social Forums Movement was conceived.
It is important to understand this context, and to understand that the
global situation that the social forums movement sought to respond to has since
deepened, and given rise to the Global economic collapse which has since some
of the longest period of economic crisis in modern human history inaugurated
since about 2007.
We are, globally and nationally still in the grip of these global crises
which has seen the convergence of 5 different currents of global crisis:
Financial, Economic, Political, Social, and Ecological/Environmental crisis.
The resultant effect of ruling classes not being able to rule in the old
way, and subordinate classes not accepting to be ruled in the old way, has been
the global wave of resistance that have seen the birth of the Arab Spring; the
revival of the mass general and political strike in Europe; the global Occupy
movement; the January Uprising in Nigeria [2012]; the February Uprising in
Senegal [2012]; the avalanche of inconclusive elections, hung parliaments and
coalition governments of strange bedfellows; as well as the revival of the
hard/revolutionary left measured in their increasing share in electoral votes
and increasing influence within the Global Mass Resistance.
Nigeria is part of this global dialectic of crisis and resistance, and it
is within this context that we need to situate the unfolding political crisis
in Nigeria, and the historic task which confronts this generation of
subordinate classes, as we seek to seize the moment to achieve our social
emancipation and national liberation.
BACKGROUND
AND CONTEXT
Against the background of
ongoing preparations for the Nigeria Social Forum and subsequently the Africa
and World Social Forums, and within the context of the discourse around the
role of social movements in social transformation, it has become urgent, and
necessary to place the debate within the perspective of class and class struggle.
This paper seeks to explore the
class bases and class compositions of social movements, and the struggle of
classes, which is at heart of social transformation. Taken this way it soon
becomes quite clear that the quest for social transformation by certain social
classes or alliance of social classes does not preclude, but in fact
presupposes the existence of ongoing social transformation process being driven
by some other classes or alliance of classes. This fact is important if we are
to properly understand the nature of social transformation and the class
interests driving and opposed to particular trends or strands of it.
WHAT
MANNER OF SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION?
From the foregoing it becomes
imperative to pose the question, ‘what manner of social transformation is being
organised for?’ Social transformation is a process driven by the interaction of
classes and class fractions, in essence the struggles of social classes and
class fractions over access to and control of the means of production and
distribution, within the context of the social relations of production
corresponding to the mode of production and the level of development of
production forces.
For instance it would be quite
unrealistic to presume that because oppressed and exploited classes are
struggling for social transformation, that no social transformation has and or
is taking place over the several decades since independence, and before
independence! Of course social transformation has been taking place, it has
been and is being driven by elite and ruling classes and alliance of ruling
class fractions in coordination with imperialism and imperialist ruling classes
and class alliances with whom they share core capitalist class interests.
Although this social
transformation process has been driven by the ruling capitalist class, its
exact contours and nature have equally been shaped by the nature and level of
resistance and or acquiescence of the oppressed and exploited classes and class
alliance. The implication of this is that a process of capitalist social
transformation has been ongoing in a dependent manner; dependent that is on
imperialism, since the catastrophic contact with and conquest by Europe.
So back to the question; what
manner of social transformation is being sought here? By what/which classes?;
And in the interests of what/which classes?
There are several responses
that can be made to these questions. Depending on how radical, deep and
thoroughly democratic the social transformation being sought is, the outcome
maybe reform, even radical reform of capitalism in order to mitigate
exploitation, co-opt resistance and blunt the edges of revolution. The outcome
maybe revolutionary, in the context of the establishment of new socialist mode
of production, and the building and construction of new socialist relations of
production on the basis of the new mode of production that is being
established. Or in fact the outcome maybe the mutual exhaustion and destruction
of the two main contending classes, and a counter revolutionary restoration
through the mediation of barbarism, as was the case with fascism and the
various manifestations of Bonarpatism over the years through out the history of
capitalism.
The outcome of a process of
social transformation can therefore either be reform of capitalism,
revolutionary establishment of socialist mode of production on the basis of the
revolutionary overthrow of the capitalist mode of production, or even counter
revolutionary restoration of the old order through say the victory of fascism.
That is social forces, that is
social classes and or class fractions engaged in the struggle for social
transformation need to be conscious of what they are struggling against, and
what they are struggling to replace it with.
It is in this sense that the
struggle needs to define itself and needs to be defined, not only by what it is
against [e.g anti capitalist, anti-globalisation, anti-imperialist, anti-war,
anti-racist, etc], but even more importantly by what it is struggling to
achieve, a socialist or other forms of organisation of society and human
civilisation]. This is very important and decisive; for a revolution can be
half made, a process of revolutionary social transformation can be
inconclusive; as a result of the lack of understanding, clarity, awareness,
agreement, of the concrete outcome being sought.
If we have no clarity about
what we want to replace capitalism, imperialism and capitalist globalisation
with, if we have no understanding of the nature of the capitalism which we
resist and oppose, if we have no agreement about the nature of the outcome we
seek, then it will be difficult to avoid the cooptation of the struggle by the
ruling class, its defeat, and or it’s the harmless dissipation of social
energy; and therefore the reformist or counter revolutionary restoration of
capitalism.
CLASSES,
EXPLOITATION AND CLASS STRUGGLE
At the heart of the struggle
for social transformation are social classes and or alliance of social classes
and class fractions that are organised into social movements.
Social movements are therefore
a specific mode of active organisation and mobilisation of social classes in
the struggle to transform society in their collective interest. As said earlier
this maybe a struggle to maintain the status quo in one form or the order, or
even a struggle to renew the status quo as a means of sustaining it; or it may
be a struggle to overthrow and supplant the status quo and construct a new kind
of society on the basis of a new mode of production with its associated relations
of production.
Human beings in order to meet
and provision their basic means of existence, interact with nature as well as
with one another. It is the manner in which this social interaction with nature
and other humans take place, which defines the mode of production and the
relations of production, which arise on its basis.
In the cause of these
processes, the human community interacting with nature and organising the
production and distribution of things, goods and services become differentiated
into social collectives, which coalesce into social classes and class
fractions, defined and driven by their place or location with the production
process.
Where the nature of these
social relations of production is exploitative, and where the mode of production
requires such exploitative relations of production, then the social classes on
the basis of their location in this production system/process acquire
exploitative or exploited character. This is what gives rise to ruling and
exploiting classes on the one hand and exploited and ruled classes on the other
hand.
Under capitalism, the root of
this exploitation is embedded in the nature of extraction of surplus value.
Surplus value, which is the value of the labour of a worker in a capitalist
enterprise, produced over and above, that covered by the cost paid for the
labour and the cost of machinery, and which the owner of the means of
production appropriates.
The two main classes of
capitalism are the ruling capitalist class, the owners of the means of production
either of goods or services on the one hand; and the oppressed and exploited
working class of labourers from whose labour surplus value is being extracted
and or caused to be circulated and exploitatively redistributed among
capitalists and their business and industrial concerns. These two classes have
undergone significant transformations since the dawn of capitalism, and now
manifest their existence in various ways dependent on the nature of
transformations undergone by capitalism through to its recent imperialist and
current globalised phases.
Where a mode of production is
exploitative, and the relations of production consequent upon it are also
exploitative, it follows that such a mode of production will also be
oppressive. And where there is oppression, depending on the nature and
intensity of the exploitative oppression, there will be resistance.
This is the context within
which, and the background against which the class struggle takes place. The
class struggle is the specific mode of manifestation of the interaction of
social classes, defined and framed by the social relations of production, in
exploiting and oppressive class societies based on socially exploitative and
oppressive mode of production.
At this juncture it is
important to note that all classes, whether ruling or exploited wage the class
struggle, through the life span of such classes and the mode and relations of
production which have produced them. Furthermore, because of the relative
difference in the development of class consciousness, that is the self
awareness of a class and its particular class interests, this class struggle
between classes is also waged within classes by class fractions motivated by
their specific interests within the social class and framed by their level of
development of their class consciousness.
This is why Marx and Engels
spoke of social classes existing as class in itself and class for itself. To
undertake this transformation from a class in itself to a class for itself, a
social class needs to undergo a process of refinement of self-awareness and
class-consciousness mediated by the manifestations of the class struggle. It is
only in the context of class struggle that a social class acquires
class-consciousness. Because of the way in which development processes takes
place in uneven and combined manners, certain fractions of a class will be the
first to acquire class consciousness ahead of other fractions. This is
determined by their location in the mode and relation of production and their
level of exposure within that system. These class fractions that have acquired
class-consciousness then find that in order to organise effective struggles
against the other socially antagonistic class, they need to organise and
mobilise their class and proactively catalyse the development of
class-consciousness within the class as a whole.
MODES
OF EXPRESSION OF THE CLASS STRUGGLE
The class struggle waged by all
social classes can be expressed in various forms. The form in which the class
struggle is expressed is determined by and dependent on the modes of expression
of class exploitation and oppression in that society.
The primary exploitative fault
line in class society is that of class, but this class fissure may then
interact with other divisions in class society which are not on their own
exploitative by nature, but which are then through such interaction co-opted by
the exploitative mode of production and integrated into the nature of class
exploitation. Thus such divisions as that between sexes become integrated into
class exploitation and take on the expression of gender inequality and the
oppression of women.
This is similarly through of
the differences between religions and national cultures and ethnicities or
races. A difference in skin pigmentation, culture, language or religious
beliefs is integrated into the exploitative relations of production in a class
society, and members of human society characterised by such differences then
become largely marginalised, exploited, and or repressed.
In this situation majorities of
this races, religious groups, gender, national culture or ethnicity, then
become integrated in exploited labourers from whom surplus value is exploited.
It is in the absorption and
integration of this differences and divisions in human society into the
exploitative character of the social production process [mode and relations of
production], that the national, ethnic, religious, minority, race and women
questions have emerged and their development and manifestations shaped.
Thus it is that the class
struggle can and is often expressed in the form of the struggle for women’s’
right, minority rights, ethic and national struggles and anti-racist struggles.
But as it is already stated the class struggle is waged by all classes, ruling
and exploited alike; and between and within classes; it therefore follows that
it is not only the members of the oppressed and exploited classes among women,
religious/ethnic/national/racial minorities that wage the class struggle; the
class struggle is also waged by members of the ruling elites and classes within
such groups.
Depending on the class or class
fraction at the end of the struggles of these oppressed and exploited groups,
such struggles’ aims and outcome maybe the mere inclusion and accommodation of
the elites into the ruling class structures of wider society; some form of
generalised social reforms which integrates the excluded group into the wider
society proper, guaranteeing citizenship and human rights; or the establishment
of new mode of productions and building of new social relations of production
on its basis.
What this means is that for
example as with nationalism and the national and ethnic questions, the outcome
maybe integration into the nation state, the establishment of a nation state or
the full democratisation of production relations. The goal and outcome may
therefore be national self-determination or class social emancipation.
Similarly with the women
question and feminism, the goal and outcome maybe the guarantee of women’s
rights, the integration of elite women from the ruling class into the
structures of political and economic domination of society; or it may result in
the democratisation of production relations which transform women of the
oppressed and exploited classes alongside their men counterparts into class
conscious actors in the socialist transformation of society; This will be a
class social emancipatory outcome.
Effectively therefore two
nations, or more appropriately classes, are in the womb of every oppressed
nationality/ethnicity/religious group, and women; the nation of exploiters or
aspiring exploiters, and the nation of the exploited and oppressed ruling
class.
SOCIAL
MOVEMENTS AND THE SOCIAL FORUMS
Thus the organisation and
mobilisation of a social class is required not only to effectively prosecute
the class struggle and defeat the class enemy, it is required also to achieve
the transformation of the class in itself to a class for itself.
Social movements are thus
organised and mobilised expressions of the formations of the exploited and
oppressed social classes, their class fractions and alliances of classes.
Social movements have emerged as major vehicles of and organisational forms of
waging the more or less conscious class struggles of the oppressed and
expressed classes.
The nature of social
transformation being sought by a social movement is defined by nature of social
classes, class fractions and alliance of social classes of which it is composed
of, and which provisions its leadership. The actual outcome of the struggle
embedded in the character of the emerging social transformative process is also
shaped by the class struggle.
Whether the outcome is a new
form of organisation of society, a new mode of production and new relations of
production; or whether it is the consolidation in a reformed manner of the old
form of society, the counter revolutionary restoration of the old mode of
production and relations of production; depends to a large extent on the mode
of organisation and mobilisation of the social movement and the struggle it is
waging; its class composition; the class origin or interests of its leading
lights, and the nature and intensity of struggle waged by the ruling classes.
But the outcome is also
dependent on the level of development of class-consciousness within the social
movement, among its generalised membership and in particular among its
leadership. This class consciousness is also reflected in the way and manner
which the social movement describes itself, either as anti one mode of
expression of existing reality alone [anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist,
anti-war, anti-globalisation, anti-racist]; or as also being a movement
representing a new and defined type of society, and or a movement working
towards a social transformation process which involves the overthrow and
supplanting of the existing social order, and even the establishment and
construction of a new more democratised mode of production and relations of
production.
The social forums have thus
emerged as the space for the active interaction of these social movements; the
space for their joint and collaborative definition and elaboration. And because
it is a space not a conscious organisational platform for mobilising and
organising, the social forums have failed to lead to social transformation of
society and the establishment of new forms of organising society politically
and socially.
The social forums nevertheless
have provided space for the building of international solidarity, and have
driven the renewal of internationalist organising and mobilising for global
social transformation.
This is very important. For the
capitalist system, which is organising the dominant form of social
transformation is a global and international system. And althought this system
will be breached repeatedly from the weakest points in the imperialist chain,
the system will not be defeated or supplanted except it is globally defeated
and overthrown. The struggle to negate, overthrow and supplant an international
socio-economic formations such as capitalism, and particularly in its
globalised phase, can only be victorious within the context of a global and
international struggle and a global and international revolutionary replacement
of the capitalist mode of production with a the more genuinely democratised
socialist mode and relations of production.
CHALLENGING
POWER AND CHALLENGING TO TAKE POWER
Those social movements which
have triumphed and are engaged in the construction of new forms of society,
thus giving clear and concrete expressions to the quest for social
transformation by exploited and oppressed classes and alliance of class forces,
are those which have not only correctly posed the question of power, but have
gone ahead to learn from their own and global experience, to make the
transition from challenging state power and the expressions of capitalist
domination and exploitation, to challenging for and proceeding to take state
power and on that basis proceeding to reorganise society in the interest of
exploited classes.
If we are to be victorious, we
must not only organise and mobilise to challenge state power and capitalist
domination and exploitation; we need to also concretely pose the question of
power, and align and build our movement in a manner that will allow us to challenge
to take state power, politically defeat the capitalist ruling classes and
alliance of classes, dismantling the undemocratic and exploitative capitalist
class state, replace with a popular workers democratic state, and on the basis
of this revolutionary political victory begin the supplanting of the capitalist
mode of production with the socialist mode, as well as the building of new mass
democratic socialist relations of production on the basis of the new mode of
production.
IN
CONCLUSION
Social movements are composed
of social classes actively waging class struggle as an integral part of
bringing about social transformation of society.
The class struggle is waged by
all social classes, and also between and within classes.
The social forums have provided
the space for renewal of internationalism as well as the coming together of
social movements. But because they are not organised political spaces, they
have been unable to drive the process of transiting from challenging state
power to challenging to take state power.
Capitalism is a globalised
international system; it can only be defeated, supplanted and replaced within
the context of an international revolution.
The capitalist chain will be
breached from time to time at its weakest links/points, but unless those who
have become momentarily victorious build active solidarity with those who are
still struggling in a common and coordinated effort to globally defeat
capitalism, the system will internationally regroup, and organise and mobilise
its world supremacy to recover lost ground and re-establish itself globally.
The consequences of this will be disastrous for humanity, as history has
repeatedly shone.
The struggle for
self-determination of oppressed nations, the struggle of women for liberation
and emancipation, the struggles of religious, ethnic and racial minorities for
human rights, are all forms and modes of expression of the class struggle.
Whether the outcome of the struggle will be socially emancipatory for oppressed
and exploited classes within these groups, or end in some form of accommodation
of the demands of the elites of these groups by the existing capitalist
formation, will depend to a large extent on the class composition and interests
of the leaderships of these groups and their movements, as well as on the
balance of class forces within those groups and movements.
Finally, the way a social
movement understands its exploitation and oppression; the way it defines itself
and its struggle, the way it poses the question of power; and the level of its
awareness of itself as a class with distinct class interests, separate from
those of the ruling class; will determine the way it organises itself and its
struggle; the nature of alliances it will construct; and the outcome of the
struggle for social transformation it is engaged in waging.
Visit:
takebacknigeria.blogspot.com; Follow on twitter: @jayegaskia &
@protesttopower; Interract on Facebook: Jaye Gaskia & Take Back Nigeria
PAPER AT NSF MEETING
ABUJA, AUGUST 2010; REVISED
JULY 2013
No comments:
Post a Comment