By
Victoria Baux
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Sudanese dailies, tightly controlled
by the government, with a critical story run the risk to be suspended (Source
AFP).
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Consistently
ranked among the bottom ten countries in the annual Reporters Without Borders Press
Freedom Index, (170th since 2011), Sudan seems to have a long way to
go before it eventually reaches acceptable press freedom standards.
Omar
Al-Bashir’s 1989 coup d’état started an era of ethnic-based civil war in the
country’s frontier regions – namely South Sudan and Darfur – tragically
characterised by blatant human rights violations. Since then, journalists have
been dissuaded from criticising the government.
Bashir
is the only sitting head of state against whom the International Criminal Court
has issued an arrest warrant related to war crimes and genocide, crimes for
which he will likely not be held to account.
The
war between north and Sudan is said to have resulted in the deaths of 2 million
people, while 4 million have had to flee the country. The conflict ended in
2005 with the signature of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the
government led by Bashir's National Congress Party (NCP) and the South's Sudan People's
Liberation Movement (SPLM).
Officially,
the CPA created a new space for journalists to express their voice and reduced
the common practice of censoring newspapers prior to publication. But in
practice, journalists have been facing threats and harassment throughout
Bashir’s tenure.
In
July 2011, South Sudan gained independence from Sudan.
Unreported
conflicts
In
2008, the UN estimated that the Darfur conflict had killed at least 300,000
victims. But Sudan says the Western media has exaggerated the conflict,
claiming that only 10,000 people died.
It
has been widely said and acknowledged that the war in Darfur was badly
reported. It generated the guilt of Western journalists, disinterest of the
Arab media, and locally, there was not much Sudanese journalists could do as
the pressure to “stay quiet” forced them to keep their mouths shut. Meanwhile,
access to the Darfur region is still dangerous, if not impossible.
Well-travelled
American journalist Amy Costello who had been to Darfur in the early 2000’s, described
field work there as extremely difficult. Her access to Darfur had
been facilitated by Humanitarian Agencies who were themselves facing the
constant threat of being expelled. “Most aid groups didn't want journalists
travelling in their vehicles because of the extremely delicate political
situation that exists between aid agencies and the Sudanese government. Aid
workers have to renew their visas every few months. If they're seen to have a
role in assisting journalists to write stories critical of the government, it
could jeopardise their agency's ability to remain in Sudan. Many aid workers
were willing to speak about the work they do to alleviate suffering, but most
refused to go on record about their frustrations with the government and its
policies in Darfur”.
Some
foreign reporters who insisted on covering the conflict without an official
permission were ultimately
detained and expelled from the country.
Censorships
National
journalists get the same treatment, if not worse, which has led to the
generalisation of self-censorship. Any critical paper or newspaper runs the
risk of being threatened or shut down by the NISS (National Intelligence and
Security Service).
Darfur
remains a taboo subject in Sudan, as proven by the arrest of
journalist Nurredin Braima, after he translated into Arabic comments
from a displaced woman from Darfur at a press conference for a visiting Qatari
diplomat in Nyala.
Criticising
the ruler or his party also tends to cause problems for media workers. In this
special report, we feature the story of Somaia Ibrahim Ismail Hundosa, a woman
journalist who was kidnapped and
tortured in early November 2012 by the NISS before she could
eventually flee the country. She was also forced to shave her hair because it
looked like the hair of an Arab, but she was “a slave from Darfur”.
According to
the UNHCR, since 2009, the main body responsible for taking action
against newspapers and journalists was the NISS. “The NISS is permitted to take
action against any newspaper viewed as a threat to national security under the
controversial National Security Act.”
Intimidation
techniques and newspaper closures by the NISS have been fiercely criticised by
press freedom organisations and some Sudanese writers and activists like Reem
Abbas, who have been monitoring press freedom in the country.
In
2012, the NISS suspended tens of newspapers, including Alwan, an
independent daily newspaper which had already been closed down for almost two
years in 2008 after publishing a report on a military operation. Al-Midan’s print
run was confiscated on at least four different occasions, whereas Al-Sudani was
suspended last January.
Establishing
a new law
It
is difficult to know if the legal background for the Sudanese media is likely to
improve in the months to come. On one hand, Omar Al-Bashir has recently reached
out to his opponents when he ordered the release of political
prisoners, willing to show his commitment to “national dialogue.”
The announcement came only a month after the Sudanese leader said he would step
down at the next 2015 election, stressing that the country needed “fresh
blood.”
But
on the media front, a lot still needs to be done, especially in terms of
protecting journalists.
On
April 2nd and 3rd members of the political, media, law
and education spheres of Sudan and Qatar met in Doha to discuss the new draft
media law which has already been criticised by media freedom activists. Their
recommendations were later presented at a press conference by the director of
DCMF, Jan Keulen, and Afaf Tawar, Chairman of the Legislation Committee in the
Sudanese Parliament.
The
expectations regarding this new law, which would be a revision of the 2009
Sudanese Press and Publications Law 19 currently in place, are high but there
is pessimism throughout members of the media in Sudan.
“Journalists
[who saw the draft law] were shocked to find the new laws were more repressive
than the 2009 press law” writes Reem
Abbas adding that “The new press laws legalise closing a newspaper
or a press centre, as well as cancelling the registration of a publishing
house”.
The
Doha Centre for Media Freedom has stressed that all aspects of journalism must
be given significant attention and coverage by the new law. The section on
journalists’ rights could be developed and the draft law does not mention
online media.
To
satisfy Sudanese journalists and legal experts, DCMF and participants in a
recent meeting to discuss the draft law have suggested that the law should
conform to international standards of human rights and media freedom.
Source: Doha Centre for Media Freedom

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