By Eric Osagie and Ihenacho Nwosu
Adamu Ciroma |
Elder statesman and former Minister of
Finance, Mallam Adamu Ciroma, has lashed out at the President Goodluck Jonathan
administration, describing it as full of “too much corruption”.
Speaking in an exclusive interview with
Saturday Sun at his Abuja residence, Ciroma said the subsidy payment scam,
pension scheme fraud, alleged mismanagement and corruption at the Nigeria
National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), among others, are indices of untamed
corruption running wild in the Nigerian field.
Courageous and blunt, Ciroma, a former
minister under the Shagari, Abacha and Obasanjo governments, had harsh words
for General Babangida’s administration as well as Obasanjo’s. On Babangida, he
says: “He destroyed the civil service, he destroyed the economy,” while he
describes Obasanjo as a leader “who failed his country.”
Below are excerpts of the Ciroma
interview:
What are some of the things
happening in the country that make you sad?
I feel sad when I see some awards
flying around for some people who clearly do not deserve them. Take the case of
Yobe State, where the former governor was recently said to have been given the
Mo award for what he did in rural development. I was talking with one man and
he said: ‘Look, Yobe is the most wretched of the states in Nigeria; it is the
poorest, the least developed.
There is lack of security there.’
I said look, this man is one of the worst governors that has ruled any part
of this country. But he was given an award in South Africa before; he was given
the Mo award. What now happens is that some people who have no honour will meet
and create one thing or the other and send it to somebody; ask him to finance
the offer. The offer itself is worthless. The man who is receiving it is
not worth it; that is what Nigeria is all about. You would never hear or see me
accepting this honour or award because a lot of them are worthless. In your own
case, you make me change my mind because I am not claiming to be any leader in
this country, am not claiming anything; on your own you decided to give me the
honour.
In this country, till date, we have not
produced Nelson Mandela. Obasanjo, my very good friend, is not worth it. Nobody
has reached that position, in terms of keeping to justice, fairness and
honesty. Mandela is always concerned about the fate of the masses. We don’t
have that leader who is always concerned about the fate of the masses, the
ordinary Nigerian, the farmers.
If all of us have agreed that we would
work for the good of the poor farmer, if he lives by an inch, it means that all
of us would be richer by millions. But are we doing it? What we have is a
National Assembly that eats one quarter of the resources of this country. We
have a government that is greedy. So many billions of naira go into payment of
oil subsidy. The children of big people are involved in these billions. Some
people steal billions. And nothing is done to them.
The President says he is fighting
insecurity; he said he was going to end it six months ago. Where are we today?
He said he was going to stop subsidy. Where are we? Even before people
knew how bad subsidy was, he gave impression that he was out to address
it. But now he is talking about it again. The individuals in NNPC, look at what
they have done with the national resources; nobody has said anything. I
pity this country. But I am not hopeless. I believe things will come right some
day.
For the time being, we have,
individually, got to behave well. It should not be prayers alone. I don’t know
of any set of people in this world that are more religious than Nigerians. But
they are religious by mouth, not by practice. What they do is different from
what they say.
If we want to improve this country,
individuals have got to act; they have to begin to do the right thing, even if
we see them as being foolish, they should stick to it; they should not say we
have to join the majority. Here the majority is not doing well.
Secondly, the ordinary citizens of this
country, the farmers, the masses are very good people. If they get good
leaders, they will do the right thing. For the time being, they are copying
their leaders. They are capable of turning round and doing something wonderful.
When that time comes, the world is going to be surprised what Nigerians can do.
Are Nigerians not too docile?
You and I living now have got to stick
to the right things, no matter what the other people are doing; then things
will change.
Will that make Nigeria to
change?
Yes, things will change. It takes time
to establish a leader. Sometimes, when someone is in the process of becoming a
leader he falters; he goes in the dark to take money. I always tell young
people in this country that the difficult thing about leadership is that it is
difficult to judge. All the people who criticise corruption, if you put them
aside and give them envelops filled with dollars, who among them will have the
courage to say no? So, who is not corrupt? Farouk Lawan passed through the
temptation and faltered. But, as I said, generally, ordinary Nigerians would
like to do what is right if the leaders are doing the right things, they will
copy them.
Are you saying that they
cannot force their leaders to do the right thing?
They cannot force their leaders to do
the right thing.
Can you give us your
background? Where did you develop the principles which have guarded?
You know I was telling you earlier
about Nigerians and their religious predilection and moral standing. People of
my generation, a lot of us, went to school and we were taught how to behave
morally, decently and fairly. We didn’t know it but our leaders were there for
us; they were treating us well. They protected and promoted our interest. None
of my parents actually asked me to go to school and do well, except once.
When I was going to school I was just
living my normal life, from the Primary School in Fika to another in Maiduguri,
to Barewa College, Zaria, to Nigerian College in Zaria and to University of
Ibadan. I believe that UI did a lot in forming my character. By the time I came
to Ibadan, I was about 20 years or thereabout. We had fantastic professors.
They were honest, hardworking, straightforward, open and we learnt the meaning
of intellectual from them. An intellectual is somebody who is honest, who
is following logic, obeying the logic even if it does not conform with what he
held before.
Then we came to work for government.
The month I left the university was the month I got a job in government.
What did you read?
History. Working for government, doing
the right thing without knowing anybody was the standard then. It was the
policy of the northern government at that time. We were taught three things
that must be done. These three things still need to be done today. First, we
were taught that the economy was based on agriculture and government’s policy
was directed towards helping the ordinary farmer to produce more and earn more
to improve his condition. We distributed ploughs, tractors, seedlings and all
that were needed to aid agriculture. The second focus was education.
The North was behind, as far as western
education was concerned. The government used resources to educate everyone
free; they even paid you some allowances for going to school. We were the
product of that. We grew up knowing very well that our duty is to help others
move from darkness to light. You are from the South; if I talk to you about
education, it may not sound wonderful; you will take it for granted. Already
you have accepted education; you like it; you even pay for it yourself. But in
the North it was not so. I left UI being paid some allowances.
The third issue was about health. If
your people are not healthy, they cannot farm; they cannot send their children
to school; they cannot do anything. Government considered it its duty to treat
people with malaria, all the diseases in the rural area. They set up
dispensaries in the rural areas, procuring medicine for the people.
These three things, the northern government
pursued then. The total budget of northern government in 1965 was 37 million
pounds. The money was available for everything. So, we learnt that you
have to use the resources of the people for their benefit; that you don’t have
to think twice about that. These were the circumstances we were brought up.
Every leader supported you; we never heard about corruption; you just have got
to do the right thing.
Was it that there were no
corrupt people then?
In every society, there must be people
who would not want to do the right thing. But what I am saying is that
government did not encourage corruption; it discouraged it. For instance, if
you were just a small clerk and you had a bicycle nobody would raise an
eyebrow, but if you are seen with a car somebody would ask you how you got it.
The system ensured that you behaved well, in line with your status. They
promoted any worker who was hardworking.
Are you the eldest child of
your parents?
No, no; I came from a very big family.
My grandfather was the councillor for education. All of us in our own area went
to school long before universal education became acceptable.
How many children did your
father have?
He had so many.
Precisely, how many?
Am sure the number is more than 30.
Are there some of your
siblings that you do not know?
There are so many of us.
How many wives did your
father marry?
Always not more than four
Four at a particular time?
Yeah.
Why did you leave government
to go and work in a newspaper house?
In the university I did History, but in
our student activity we formed certain groups. We were producing a magazine.
When I was in the Barewa College, we were also producing a magazine. When I
came to Ibadan, we were producing a magazine. When I left the university and
joined the civil service, I was the administrative officer. The New Nigerian
Newspaper was set up and government was looking for somebody who had some
experience in newspaper production. In those days they did their home work,
their research. They identified me and asked me whether I would like to
come and work there.
So you were drafted there?
Yeah, I was drafted there.
Were you the editor or the
managing director of the newspaper when you were first drafted?
I was drafted as the editor and later I
became the managing director.
The military was in power
then?
Yes. Gen. Gowon was the Head of State.
There were six governors in the North. On many occasions, I quarrelled with
them because they wanted us to do certain things, but we did what we believed
was right. I had harsh misunderstanding with Gen. Gowon.
Did he summon you?
Yes, he did, but I told him that we
were doing what we believed was right; that we were using the information we
had. I told him, ‘Sir, you people have some certain information, we have also
our own information; they may be the same information but we interpret
them differently. We cannot wait for you to tell us your own interpretation;
when you tell us we will publish it, but in the interim we will use what is
available to us.’
Did you not see yourself
taking a big risk, talking to a military head of state that way?
We were in the same Barewa College; he
was only two years my senior.
Did you know him in school?
Of course, yes.
But he was then Commander-in-Chief?
It didn’t matter to me; we were in
the same Barewa College. I was not afraid of losing my job. After quarrelling
with Gowon and Gen Hassan, we kept on quarrelling with the governors over the
contents of the newspaper. They didn’t like some of the things we were
reporting. When the bickering became too much, I had to resign. I gave them my
letter.
Where were you resigning to?
I was determined to work on my own. I
was going into private business. When I was the editor and managing director, I
was also a director in the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). So, when I resigned,
one of the textile companies in Kaduna asked me if I would like to work with
them as executive director. I agreed. So, I was working for the biggest textile
mill in Nigeria. After a while, there was a coup that overthrew Gen Gowon; the
coup leaders invited me to put right the CBN.
There were some rumours about shady
deals in foreign exchange transactions and things like that. I was called to
put things right there. So, in 1975, I became CBN governor. I was there till
1977 when there was an election to the Constituent Assembly. A new constitution
was to be made for a return to civilian rule. At that time, every part of the
country especially the North was sending their best to the Constituent
Assembly. Where I came from, nobody asked me; they just elected me.
Even with your position as
CBN governor?
I was governor of CBN and they wanted
one of their best in the Constituent Assembly. They elected me without
informing me. I had to resign as CBN governor. The CBN law does not allow for a
part time in such position; so I had to resign.
You were not a trained banker
nor an economist before becoming the CBN governor. How did you cope?
If you work for any institution, you
have to find out how best you can contribute. I was appointed CBN governor to
put some things right. They knew that I could do it and I did it.
You were working with
economists, bankers and so on?
Yes. One thing I experienced in life is
that most of the time, I was working and learning. Take the case of the
newspaper. I was invited and I accepted to go there. I didn’t know
really, on a big scale, about newspaper. I was learning on the job.
From your experience, is it
really necessary to be a banker or an economist before holding a position like
the CBN governor?
This is what I am trying to explain to
you. When you are educated, you can do anything. And the tradition of
University of Ibadan, they produced graduates in Classics, who became financial
wizards and things like that. Once you are educated, your mind will convince
you that you can do anything. Heading the CBN was nothing particularly special;
there was nothing impossible about it.
You can learn on the job. What is
important is the integrity you bring to bear. If you are an accountant, there
are laws governing accountancy; if you abandon these laws, will you still call
yourself an accountant? If you are a historian and you are told to come and run
CBN and you use the research people, economists, accountants and professionals
in all the departments very well, you will achieve results. You would not
bother that you are not an economist or accountant. You can learn on the job.
When I came to CBN, I told them:
“look, I am a historian, you are the professionals, am here to learn, there are
things am going to do to put things right but most of the normal job I am going
to learn from you.’ I eventually learnt from them.
CBN governors are known for
conservatism. Would you say it is in order for the current CBN governor Sanusi
to be making some controversial comments he’s often criticised for?
A Central Bank governor worldwide is
not a controversial person. The person is part of the establishment. When
he or she says anything people respect it because they believe that you must
have given a lot of thought to what you said before saying it out. There are
certain things governor of the Central Bank doesn’t need to do.
He doesn’t need to be controversial.
Sanusi has a bit of controversy about him, but the most important thing about
him is that he is an honest and dedicated man. He has no fear of saying a lot
of things. For instance, he does not fear saying things that will annoy people
in the National Assembly. He does that because he believes that, yes I am the
governor today if you do not want me I go, I am just contributing, I don’t
care if you refuse to accept.
Sanusi is an honest, straightforward
person who says what he believes. Sometimes people in the National Assembly
would want you to kowtow with them because they make laws and things like that.
But if you tell them the truth, you put them right; the laws they will make
will be better.
Going to the Constituent
Assembly was your baptism into politics. How correct is that?
That is very, very correct.
What is your reaction when
people say that you never won an election or stood for an election, that
you are a feather weight politician, just grandstanding or making noise. I am
sure you have heard that?
Edwin Clarke was the last person
to tell me all this. I am not a normal Nigerian politician, you know. Winning
election has never been my preoccupation. I have always had something to do,
something that is contributory to the development of this country. The only
time I sought for an election was in 1978 when I was promoted to be one of the
people seeking presidential nomination in NPN. I believed I could do it.
I believed I could contribute; so I
decided to do it. At the convention I came third. From there, I started helping
the winner, that is Alhaji Shehu Shagari and he won the election. I became a
minister in his administration. The Constituent Assembly was really the place I
politically got involved.
Former Head of State, Gen.
Buhari, said when he took over on December 31, 1983, that that government you
served, the Shagari government, was particularly corrupt and directionless and
that was the reason it was sacked. Would agree to that assessment?
That was what they were saying; that
was the reason they gave for overthrowing the government of Shagari. I was a
participant in that government. Shagari is one of the most honest politicians I
know in this country. Even Buhari will tell you that some of us worked honestly
and effectively. When Shagari was overthrown and Buhari became the Head of
State, how long did it take him to remain there? He was there for just 20
months. Shagari was President for four years. So, Shagari was there for a longer
period than Buhari, even though the latter was not elected. The people who put
Buhari there were the people who removed him. Is that a comment of praise?
He said that they betrayed
him…
Well, he can say that, but the truth is
that they put him there and they removed him. They cannot do that without a
reason. Then, Babangida became the President. Just as Buhari was saying
that Shagari was the most corrupt President, my own assessment is that the
government that followed that of Shagari has been the most corrupt. Buhari
stayed for just 20 months.
Are you talking about the
Babangida government?
Yeah. It was the government that ruined
the economy of this country because it introduced SAP. It devalued the currency
of this country without any reason, without any justification. Civil
service was ruined under President Babangida. Since then the civil service has
not recovered. It is for history now to examine the kind of things, which
we see and say about our friends and about our enemies. Buhari probably
complains more about Babangida than he complains about Shagari now.
Why did you serve in the
Abacha government that was not particularly popular?
Abacha took over from Shonekan who was
a stop-gap. When he took over, he found out that there was a lot of instability
in the system. What he did was to invite known politicians since the Shagari
days. He brought Jakande, I was there, Rimi was there, Bola Ige and other known
politicians. He invited us to participate in the government. I know that he did
it to restore stability in the country. We accepted to participate in order to
restore stability. I was appointed Minister of Agriculture. I looked at what
the problems were and how I could address them. One of the problems I
identified was fertilizer distribution. Fertilizer plant in Eleme, I was the
one who completed the negotiation for setting it up.
I knew long ago, when I was Minister of
Agriculture under Shagari, that fertilizer is so important to agriculture in
this country. I proposed certain policies to bring in fertilizer and
agriculture equipment as well the distribution of fertilizer. I was appointed
in November. I was making plans about the fertilizer to be used the following
year by farmers. I took my proposal to Abacha; he looked at it and said no,
that he didn’t think this was the right thing to do. He said that we did
not need to get fertilizer supplies again, that there was fertilizer in the
country.
I had proposed worldwide advertisement
for people who would want to supply the fertilizer, that is international supply.
He said that he did not believe in that. I said that I was the Minister of
Agriculture, I tell you that it was important. When I put my mind to something
I focus on it. I told him that there was no fertilizer in the country he still
said no. This happened on a Wednesday. I gave the whole thing a thought. On
Saturday, I wrote a letter resigning my position. On Sunday, I gave it to Aminu
Saleh.
When Saleh gave him the letter he
called me and said, ‘ah! Has this come to this?’ I said yes, I have told you my
view, how to do it and all my plans but you said that there were a lot of
fertilizers in this country. I told him, you are the head of government,
my duty is to help you run the government, you do not need my advice, so
am off. He said no, no, but I said yes. He said but I will give you another
position.
I said but that does not affect my
resignation. If you give me another appointment that I like I will take it, but
this particular one I am off, I have no reason to stay. Then he contacted some
of his senior people, especially Jerry Useni who was minister in charge of
Abuja. He told him, ‘look, these politicians, if you are not careful with them,
they will throw you into trouble, don’t accept the resignation, wait and
sack all of them.’ So, in the end my resignation was not accepted. After
sometime he sacked all the politicians in the government.
What kind of person was
Abacha?
We got on very well with Abacha; we
didn’t have any quarrel or anything. You remember that we didn’t ask to be
appointed. Our duty as politicians was to do the right thing. Personally,
between him and I, our relationship was always good. But I was not there to be
rubbished by a military leader. We got on well and I resigned; he didn’t like
it, but there was nothing he could do about it.
Was the sack of politicians
in the government the thing that led to the formation of G-19 in the North and
later G-34?
We agreed to serve the government in
order to serve the ordinary person, the masses of this country. Abacha and his
men started playing tricks. He wanted a transition to civilian rule but he
wanted to organise it in such a way that there would be different political
parties but all the parties must nominate him as their presidential candidate.
It became obvious that he was trying to succeed himself. We the politicians in
the North, the senior ones, came together and told ourselves that it would
not be a good thing for the president to succeed himself. So, we wrote him a
letter telling him our views.
Then, we formed the G-18 to work
together against Abacha’s self-succession plan. We agreed that only we the
northerners were going to do it because if we invited anybody from the South to
participate, Abacha and his colleagues were going to say that it was the
southern people who were working against him. We didn’t want to allow that
room; we decided to restrict this opposition to him among us northern
politicians. When it became absolutely clear that we needed the input of other
Nigerians, we decided to go a step further to generate a national opposition
against him (Abacha). That was why we went to see Alex Ekwueme, Bola Ige and
other politicians. We now enlarged the G-18 to G-34.
Did you work for Gen.
Abdulsalami Abubakar?
Abdulsalami, when he came in, called
some of us individually. I gave him my honest view. I advised him to go because
Gen. Gowon started this business of reneging, he didn’t succeed. Buhari
didn’t even think he was going to leave; Babangida reneged, so also Abacha, but
he died. I told him you should complete the process and go. So, he spent nine
months and left.
Did you work for Obasanjo’s
emergence? What was the logic behind bringing him out from prison to give him
the PDP ticket? At what point did you and other northern elite agree that power
should return to the South?
Obasanjo’s return effectively to the presidency
was the handiwork of Babangida and Aliyu Gusau. They are the people who got in
touch with other northern politicians to support their proposal to make
Obasanjo the presidential candidate. We northern politicians, in our original
proposal, agreed that the military did wrong in cancelling June 12, 1993
presidential election. We believed that since independence to that time, most
of the official leaders of this country had been from the North. Abdulsalami
was organising a return to civilian rule; we reasoned that it will not be right
for Abdulsalami to allow somebody from the North to become the President. We
decided that the President after Abdulsalami should come from the South. We
were very clear in our own mind on this.
When we said that the President should
come from the South, we were aware that there are Yoruba, there are Southern
minorities and there are the Igbo. We did not care from any of the three groups
that the President came from as long as the person was from the South. After we
had taken that position, Babangida and Aliyu Gusau contacted us to plead for
Obasanjo. We agreed to support Obasanjo because the candidate of the last
presidential election that was cancelled by the military was from the
Yoruba west. It was not particularly because he came from Ogun State but just
that he was a Yoruba man from the West. It is just an accident that Obasanjo
also happens to come from the same state with Abiola. That was how it happened.
From what later happened, do
you regret supporting the decision?
No, I have no regret for that. I knew
we were doing the right thing, in terms of promoting national interest and
cohesion.
What is your assessment of
the Obasanjo government?
I was a member of that government. In
the end, Obasanjo, as a person failed this country. In 2002, about September or
so, I personally decided to leave the government. I told him that I was going
to do his budget for 2003. Normally, budget is submitted in September or
thereabout. I was going to submit the budget for 2003 and I had resolved
that after it had gone through the National Assembly I was going to retire.
The reason I wanted to go was that I
had noticed a lot of deviation from the way things being done; they were going
differently from the way we in NPN wanted things to happen. I would say that
corruption had started to rear its head. In our days when you talk with people
about issues, you reach an agreement; it sticks. Now things are different.
Thirdly, people were no longer reliable, they wanted to be bought.
If someone was in a position to give a
position he demanded money before giving it out. For these three reasons I said
to them that my stay in the system had come to an end. They were not the kind
of things I would like to get involved in. Government is just talking about
Contecna and other people who inspect goods at the ports. It started during my
time. We had to do some investigations and I made recommendation about the
people who should do that job. In the end, Obasanjo asked Contecna to do the
job. I could not understand the reason.
He didn’t explain to you?
No, he didn’t, but I discovered
subsequently that Contecna is a company which the son of Kofi Annan was deeply
involved in. They were the ones that went round to lobby Obasanjo to give the
contract. I don’t like that kind of thing.
Did he persuade you not to
go?
He asked me to please stay and do his
election in 2003, that if I conducted the election for him he would let me go.
We reached an agreement on that. I became the Coordinator of his campaign, with
Anenih as my deputy. We agreed that after the election I would go.
Was there also an agreement
that you should nominate your wife to the cabinet?
No, no, there was nothing like that.
She came on her merit.
What role did you play in Yar’Adua’s
emergence and government?
You know Obasanjo tried to extend his
rule; that is the third term issue. I was against it. I openly opposed it
and insisted that the agreement is that somebody from the South does eight
years, somebody from the North will do eight years. So, there was no basis for
him to want to extend his rule. When he realised that he could not overcome the
pressures, he, on his own, decided to nominate Yar’Adua.
You can understand why he chose
Yar’Adua. He has always got on well with Yar’Adua’s brother, Shehu. So, when he
nominated him, none of us was surprised. I supported Yar’Adua when he nominated
him because Shehu Yar’Adua was my friend and Yar’Adua’s father was my
political supporter. And this young man was a socialist. I supported his
nomination. Obasanjo knew that Yar’Adua was not well.
But he said that he didn’t
know. Are you suggesting that he was lying?
He knew; he knew.
Why are you certain that he
knew?
He was governor, he was not performing
fulltime because he was going to hospitals regularly. It is not true that
Obasanjo did not know. He was hoping that because Yar’Adua was not well, he
will be able to rule by proxy. It was third term by another means. He didn’t
know that things don’t work that way. I like Yar’Adua because he was an honest
and straightforward young man.
When Yar’Adua died, Obasanjo told me
that Yar’Adua was dead, this man (Jonathan) is the Vice President, what
happens? There was a lot of controversy. Gen. Gowon called a meeting of elders
mostly from the North to come up with what to do about replacing
Yar’Adua. The only non-northerners at that meeting were Alex Ekwueme,
Edwin Clarke and Shonekan. We agreed that the constitution must take
precedence, that the constitution allows for the Vice President to take over,
that Jonathan must be allowed to take over. He was acting then. We told the
Senate President that this was our position and the National Assembly acted on
it. It was when Yar’Adua died that the PDP started its confusion and scatter
scatter.
Why did you insist on power
returning to the North?
We insisted on that because PDP had met
and agreed that there was going to be power rotation, that there will be
zoning. It was under Obasanjo that the meeting held and Jonathan himself was
there. We said look, now that Yar’Adua has died the constitutional formality
has taken place, the vice-president has been sworn in, in the next election the
North will produce the next candidate of the party. We said that the North
still has four years remaining in its eight years mandate.
We said that if you do not give it to
the North, it means that the South would have had 12 years and the North would
have four. We told them that if you want to do anything different, we would
have to discuss it. If the southerner was going to be President, it meant that
South would have 12 years and North four years and that that would create a
problem in the zoning arrangement; so it must be discussed; we must agree
on how to deal with the problem.
The PDP leaders started saying other
things; they said that the constitution of the country did not stop Jonathan
from contesting, that he could contest. I told them, ‘look. If you cut the
term of the North from eight to four, this may adversely affect the PDP power
sharing arrangement.’ They went forth and back; they were all
confused. I can tell you that Obasanjo and Jonathan went round and bought
the people who were going to attend the convention in their states. When the
delegates came for the convention in Abuja, again they bought them. The
governors ensured that they appoint people to mark the ballots.
Are you saying that the PDP
primary of 2011 was rigged?
Completely rigged. They know it; we
know it. They rigged it and Jonathan won. That is why I lost interest in the
party. I know that if you can buy somebody today, there is no reason you cannot
buy him tomorrow. Obasanjo came to my house and said this was where we are, the
PDP has just nominated Jonathan and if we handled things well he would win the
election. I said that PDP had now spoken loudly, it had decided in an
opaque manner who was going to be the candidate and we knew that they bought
delegates in their states, bought them also in Abuja. I said to him, a Nigerian
president was going to emerge; the delegates who gave him the ticket were
bribed in dollars, not in naira. What kind of President will he be? He just got
up and walked out.
He did not respond to you?
No, because he had nothing to say.
Since that time, he has not told me anything.
Culled from The Sun.
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